TABLE OF CONTENTS :
The Highland Park Neighborhood of Los Angeles: A Case Study and Profile of Development Table of Contents PART ONE - CONTEXT, GOVERNMENT, AND LAND USE REGULATIONS Section I – Locational Context, Demographics, History, and Perceptions of Highland Park Section II – Governance of The City of Los Angeles and the Highland Park District Section III – Land Use Regulation in Los Angeles and Highland Park PART TWO - LOCAL DEVELOPMENT PART THREE
Section I - Unique Laws, Norms and Development Practices in Highland Park. Section II - How the Private and Public Sectors Can Better Approach Development in Highland Park . . . Click "READ MORE" below to continue reading vv PART ONE – CONTEXT, GOVERNMENT, AND LAND USE REGULATIONS I – Locational Context, History, Demographics, and Perceptions of Highland Park Highland Park is a neighborhood north of Downtown Los Angeles, east of the Los Angeles River, and west of the cities of Pasadena, South Pasadena, and Alhambra. People commonly refer to this section of Los Angeles as “Northeast LA,” or NeLA. The elder generations of Los Angeles regard Highland Park as part of the greater Eastside. In terms of topography, Los Angeles stands out amongst most cities in the United States. The Highland Park district, in its own right, is geographically unique; due to its isolation upon the terraced highlands created by the Raymond Fault, Highland Park’s geographic situation makes it both a northern and eastern section of Los Angeles. Since 2009, the Los Angeles Times has surveyed thousands of residents across the City of Los Angeles with regard to what these residents consider to be their neighborhood’s boundaries. Highland Park, per its “generally-agreed-upon” boundaries (see map below) is about 3.5 square miles. The 2015 American Community Survey recorded 63,788 residents, with an average of 17,117 people per square mile, representing a medium-high density for the County and City. The neighborhood reported 74.5% Latino ancestry, 10.9% Asian ancestry, 1.9% Black ancestry, and 11.9% White ancestry. Mexico (55.3%), El Salvador (12.6%), and the Philippines (4.9%) were the most common origins of the nearly two-thirds of residents who were born outside the United States. The median age for residents was 29, considered young when compared to the city at large. The median household income was $45,478, which is about $6,000 above the average Angeleno’s income. Renters occupied 60.9% of the housing units. The average household size was 3.5 people, just above average for the City. The 2010 census also recorded some of the County’s highest numbers for single parenthood and unmarried men. One quarter of residents did not finish high school. The neighborhood, uniquely, had some of the highest incidences of veterans in both the City and the County. The name “Highland Park” has evoked different perceptions throughout its 150-year existence. Until it was annexed to the City of Los Angeles on October 18, 1895, what is now the neighborhood of Highland Park was actually its own city. Upon annexation, the quiet town eight miles from Downtown became one of the city’s earliest suburbs, inhabited by those who wanted to escape the increasing activity of the Central Business District. Modest residential development was spurned in December of 1894 with the laying of a trolley line along Marmion Way by the Los Angeles Consolidated Railway; the Metro Gold Line now runs along roughly the same path as this former LACR line. Tract housing and commercial development arrived in Highland Park after 1900, with the real estate boom and advent of home catalogs. Unlike many neighborhoods on the periphery of Downtown at the time, Highland Park was not dotted with oil derricks and attributes none of its early development to local oil drilling. By the mid-20th century, Highland Park and the neighborhoods around Northeast Los Angeles and Downtown were considered “in-transition” neighborhoods—the “barrios,” the “inner city.” Prior to the 2010s, the last large-scale development efforts in Highland Park were in the 1960s and 1970s in the form of large “stucco box” and “dingbat” apartments. Thereafter, the neighborhood’s reputation for violence and blight caused it to be increasingly less attractive to investors and homebuyers. The principal ails of the neighborhood were (and remain) crime and a middle school shortage. The neighborhood’s social fabric was always functional—with or without gentrification— but until relatively recently, it was certainly underserved on an institutional and economic level. Ultimately, whether one considers Highland Park an area “in-transition” is subjective, depending partially on one’s familiarity with Highland Park’s improvements over the course of the last few decades. At present, if you tell somebody you live in Highland Park, the first buzzwords are “hipster” and “expensive.” Other formerly “inner-city” communities—Leimert Park, Cypress Park, Atwater, and Frogtown— are now similarly perceived as “hip” and “cool” places to work and spend free time. It is as if a whole generation has grown up not knowing the reputation these neighborhoods used to have—which is probably for the better. An important aspect that allowed for the revitalization of Highland Park was the opening of the Metro Gold Line in 2003. This project, notably, involved no displacement, as it was built upon the original LACR right-of-way from the early 20th century. The opening of the Gold Line brought with it more foot and vehicular traffic into the area, and thus, renewed interest. Boarnet, Bostic, Burinskiy, et al. (2018) found strong correlations amongst increased connectivity due to light rail development and subsequent gentrification. Nevertheless, the opening of the Gold Line is undoubtedly a boon for the neighborhood, as it provides 20-minute connectivity to Downtown Los Angeles and Pasadena, as well as 35-minute connectivity to the San Gabriel Valley. Above: The general location of Highland Park within Los Angeles. Map generated with Q-GIS by the author using “City Boundaries,” and “LA Times Neighborhood Boundaries” shapefiles, available via geohub.lacity.org. Above: The locality of Highland Park. Neighborhood boundary is outlined in thick green. Boundary streets are in RED CAPITAL TYPE. Map generated with Q-GIS by the author using “City Streets,” and “LA Times Neighborhood Boundaries” shapefiles, available via geohub.lacity.org II – Governance of The City of Los Angeles and the Highland Park District The principal governance of the City of Los Angeles is derived from the mayor, the City Attorney, and the City Controller (presently Eric Garcetti, Mike Feuer, and Ron Galperin, respectively) in conjunction with the City Council, of which there are fifteen members. This relationship is referred to in public policy varyingly as a “mayor-council government” or a “strong mayor system.” The Mayor, City Controller, and City Attorney are elected by every eligible resident of the City, while City Councilmembers are elected only by constituents of the districts they are running for. The positions of governmental power outside of the general populace’s influence are those within the Los Angeles Police and Fire Departments, the Los Angeles Public Library and, most controversially, the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power. The ranking officials of the Los Angeles Police and Fire Departments are appointed by the mayor, as are the Commissioners of the Department of Water and Power and the City Librarian. The remaining positions within each of these four departments are a part of the civil service and are filled by application. However, ultimately, the average citizen does not have many opportunities to influence these departments, as most of their administrative changes occur internally. Above: The boundaries of City Council Districts 1 and 14, represented by Gilbert Cedillo and Jose Juizar, respectively. Map generated by the author using “City Council Districts,” and “LA Times Neighborhood Boundaries” shapefiles, available via geohub.lacity.org. The neighborhood (or district) of Highland Park partially falls within Council District 1 and Council District 14, which are represented by Gilbert Cedillo and Jose Juizar, respectively. The local neighborhood council is called the Historic Highland Park Neighborhood Council. In Los Angeles, neighborhood councils are politically empowered. While they do not enact public policy, per se, neighborhood councils can challenge local developments, often on CEQA grounds, something the HHPNC does quite often. Similarly, a letter of support from a neighborhood council bears political weight in the decisions of City Council and City Committees. Members of neighborhood councils, like City Councilmembers, are only elected by constituents within the respective councils’ boundaries. As evidenced by the maps on Pages 8 and 9, the boundaries of the neighborhood, City Council districts, and Neighborhood Council are anything but congruent. The boundaries of the HHPNC extend well into neighboring Montecito Heights, and to a lesser extent, into Eagle Rock and Mount Washington. The representation of Highland Park on the City Council level is much more complicated, being that the boundaries of the neighborhood are split between two Council Districts. Left: Boundaries of the Historic Highland Park Neighborhood Council. Source: Historic Highland Park Neighborhood Council. There is also a business improvement district that covers the Figueroa Street (“Fig”) side of the neighborhood called the North Figueroa Improvement Association. “BIDs” are private-public partnerships aimed at improving the physical condition of an established benefit zone through campaigns of public safety, sanitation, marketing of local businesses, and other services. Left: The boundaries of the North Figueroa Improvement Association, a business improvement district (BID). Map generated by the author using “City Boundaries,” “BIDs,” and “LA Times Neighborhood Boundaries” shapefiles, available via geohub.lacity.org. III – Land Use Regulation The plurality, or 31.9%, of Highland Park’s land use is zoned R1 (single-family residential). Medium density zonings are primarily R1.5 (restricted density multi-family residential), constituting 15.1% of Highland Park’s useable land, and R2 (duplex or two single-family) which constitutes 10.7%. 17.4% is recreational and other open space. Just over 14% is zoned for commercial and light manufacturing. School comprise 6.7% of buildable land. 3.9% of parcels are zoned for government uses, e.g. the Postal Service branches on Figueroa Street and York Boulevard. (ZIMAS.lacity.org) Left: The general land use distribution throughout Highland Park. Generated by the author using various shapefiles (including "Zoning") available at geohub.lacity.org. The regional planning commission that represents Highland Park is the East Los Angeles Area Planning Commission. The community plan to which the ELAPC refers for governing land use in Highland Park is the Northeast Los Angeles Community Plan. The overarching zoning code for the Highland Park-Garvanza area is City Document # ZI-2440. On a more local level, the land use regulations for the Figueroa Street side of Highland Park (where I live) is guided by the Avenue 57 Transit-Oriented Specific Plan. Left: The boundaries of the East Los Angeles Area Planning Commission (in RED). Generated by the author using Q-GIS and various shapefiles, including “Area Planning Commission Boundaries,” available via geohub.lacity.org The order of seniority amongst the city planning documents governing the Highland Park district, from highest to lowest, is: City of Los Angeles Municipal Planning Code --> General Plan --> Community Plan --> Area-Specific Plan --> Other Neighborhood-Specific Regulations and Ordinances (such as HPOZ) Also located at the City level is the Planning and Land Use Committee (PLUM), which have community-level branches and vote upon community- level decisions. When properties are, say, nominated as historic landmarks, the PLUMs are among the parties who vote upon it. PLUMS are overseen by the Department of Neighborhood Empowerment. A notable aspect of planning that dominates the Highland Park neighborhood is Historic Preservation Overlay Zoning, or “HPOZ” zoning. Much of the vicinity of Figueroa Street between Avenue 34 and Avenue 61, and York Boulevard between Figueroa and Eagle Rock Boulevard, is subject to historical review before demolition permits or any other construction is approved. The resulting low rate of new construction sets Highland Park apart from other “trendy” areas in Los Angeles, where new construction has altered the face of the community. However, there are two technicalities of HPOZ zoning that makes some development in Historic Highland Park possible. First, every HPOZ Plan has to establish a boundary, and specify periods and styles of significance. Secondly, the HPOZ Plan must, parcel-by-parcel, assess whether properties in the proposed district are “contributors,” “potential contributors,” or “non-contributors.” A given property can be approved for demolition if it fails to satisfy more than two of those aforementioned traits. As such, a 1906 Craftsman home with virtually no modifications, like my house, most likely cannot be demolished. However, a 1902 board-and-batten cabin that has has lost its "historic integrity" due to multiple irreversible alterations can be demolished (this happened in late 2014, much to the confusion and chagrin of many in the neighborhood). The map below illustrates the makeup of contributing and non-contributing properties within the Highland Park Historic Preservation Overlay Zone. As a result of all this, development will not be as dramatic here as in other “trendy” neighborhoods in Los Angeles. Development tends to occur on the outskirts of the HPOZ, along the path of the Gold Line, on the sites of empty lots, or on the sites of non-contributing HPOZ properties. The construction of accessory dwelling units (ADUs) are common as a means of maximizing the utility of protected homes. The largest-scale developments in recent years have been: the mixed-use NELA Plaza planned for the trisection of Figueroa, Pasadena Avenue, and Marmion Way; the Fig&50 Walk small-lot subdivision; the Echo Two-Four small-lot subdivision; and the unnamed proposed mixed-use project on Figueroa and Avenue 54. What all of these developments share in common: they will be replacing HPOZ non-contributors or empty lots. (These developments will be detailed further in Section II of this journal.) Left: The boundaries of the Highland Park Historic Preservation Overlay Zone. Contributing properties are in orange, and non-contributing properties are in yellow. Source: City of Los Angeles Department of Planning. PART TWO - LOCAL DEVELOPMENT I – Development Patterns Like all “up-and-coming” neighborhoods in Los Angeles, Highland Park has witnessed some new construction, albeit not very much. There is a visible line of demarcation with regard to where development occurs in the community, and that line is the HPOZ boundary. This is evident when one simply drives along these boundary lines. For example, one of the HPOZs southern boundaries is the intersection of Avenue 57 and Benner Street. As soon as you cross south of Benner Street, old bungalows cease, and new apartments arise. Developers would love to develop the area around Figueroa Street, but unfortunately for them, most of it lies within the HPOZ’s boundaries. There is, however, plenty of development to go around in the parts of Highland Park outside of the HPOZ; some of these projects will be detailed later on in Section II of this journal. There are a few planning efforts that are being used to stimulate redevelopment. The Avenue 57 Transit-Oriented Specific Plan guides where the different land uses for different elements of revitalization will be located. A small but integral part of economic growth in Highland Park is the operation of the North Figueroa Improvement Association, the local business improvement district, or “BID,” which has operated since the early 2000s. Most of the economic forces driving growth, until very recently, came from private citizens. The individual practice of buying run-down houses and refurbishing them (“urban pioneering”) has gone on in Highland Park for thirty years. This early growth was attributable to the increasingly unaffordable nature of other parts of the city, driving residents from places like Silver Lake or the Fairfax District to search out for affordable homes in East and Northeast LA. The first growth outside of individual or family investment came in 2011 with the opening of an upscale pub called The Greyhound. Thereafter, many businesses, both corporate and independent, moved to Highland Park and revitalized the once boarded- up sections of those streets while also increasing local employment, even for high schoolers. Some prominent up-and-coming local chains that have opened their doors and created jobs in the community include Pop Physique and Monarca Bakery. Some corporate tenants who have joined in on the popularity include (or have included) CVS, Dollar Tree, Sprint, Subway, and T-Mobile. The 1928 Highland Theater, a grand Spanish- Moorish theater occupying nearly an entire block, has been realized as the community’s “anchor.” The theater’s consistently low admission prices attract visitors from all over the City, and afterward, surrounding businesses provide a place for moviegoers to relax or dine. As far as development is concerned, the only option for new construction within the HPOZ is to demolish a non-contributing (not historically significant) property, or to build upon an empty lot. In HPOZs full of single-family residences, the only option for a project on these small (usually <8000 ft2) lots is to build a “McMansion,” an oblongly tall single-family home or townhouse that extends as close to the lot setbacks as possible. Controversy remains over the possible sale of the City’s few remaining public parking lots (located along Marmion Way) for private development. II – Local Developers Despite the relatively low rate of development in Highland Park, there are a number of developers building prominent projects. Not all of the developers are Los Angeles-based, but their developments provide much needed relief for the housing shortage faced locally and across the City. As one will see, it has been the general niche of local developers in Highland Park to build (or propose to build) one of two projects. The projects are either small-lot subdivisions consisting of medium rise townhomes with underside attached garages, or low-rise apartment buildings with subterranean parking. The one exception to this, to date, is the pending NELA Plaza, which will be discussed in Section V: Profile of Projects. The Olson Company are established developers of thirty years based in Orange County who, in 2018, completed the Fig&50 Walk Community on the corner of Figueroa and South Avenue 50. The Fig&50 Walk townhomes are unique among developments in the neighborhood in that they come fully automated and pre-fitted with solar panels. The most refreshing aspect of this townhouse development was the starting price tag of $578,000, an extraordinarily competitive price by Highland Park standards, where a comparably sized house or condo of older stock is presently valued at a minimum of $770,000 to $790,000, according to estimates by Trulia, Zillow, and City-Data. The Olson Company builds throughout Los Angeles County and Northern Orange County. They are unique amongst developers building in Highland Park in that they present their developments as “communities.” Their recent projects in Los Angeles County include the Expo Walk near University of Southern California, Magnolia Walk in Willowbrook, Arbor Walk in Arcadia, Flora Walk in Torrance, and numerous similar community-oriented projects around Southern California—all ending with the word “Walk.” These townhomes contain a minimum of two bedrooms and two bathrooms, but their developments sometimes feature single-story residences with two bedrooms and one bathroom. In any case, the units contain an attached garage or double garage underneath them. The same year, Williams Homes, a more recently-incorporated developer from Santa Clarita, completed the Echo Two-Four Townhomes, which is a small-lot subdivision of (20) three-story townhouses. Williams makes luxury homes and apartments, advertised as arriving fully-loaded with furnishings and appliances. All townhouses have a minimum of 3 bedrooms and 2 bathrooms. Williams’ Echo Two-Four and Bridewell projects are also known for their rooftop spaces like gardens and patios. With this development, Williams took the extra step of choosing an architectural style with Mission influences, making their exteriors more aesthetically sound with that of the surrounding neighborhood. As their building site, they purchased vacant land owned by the adjacent Food 4 Less Market, thereby involving no residential displacement. The starting price of the homes was $839,000, which is only slightly more expensive than older housing stock in the area of the same size. Permits were also approved in 2018 for a 2-story, 21-unit apartment complex at 6417 North Figueroa Street called Fig&York, named as such because the project is just north of Figueroa’s intersection with York Boulevard. The developer is Skya Ventures, Inc. in conjunction with Green City Building Co.— the former being based in El Monte, the latter in Los Angeles. The project consists of aesthetically modern townhomes upon concrete podiums with subterranean parking. Green City Building Co. is active in Southern and Northern California, with the vast majority of their projects occurring in Los Angeles. Most of Green City Building Co.’s projects are ultramodern condominiums, but on at least two occasions, they have been active in historic preservation, designing additions to San Francisco Victorians. Much less can be found about Skya Ventures, other than their business license. The final price of the Fig&York condominiums has been estimated in the low $800,000s. III – Local Lenders in the Los Angeles Area a.) SDC Capital is based in Burbank, California and has been family-owned and operated for 38 years. They offer loans from $100,000 to $5,000,000 with interest rates from 6.99%, or 9.99% for second liens. They offer loans for new construction, commercial bridge, residential rehabilitation, and residential bridge projects. SDC advertise themselves as lending solely with their own capital and not working with any other investors. Most of their deals under $1,000,000 have gone toward new construction of low-density or single-family homes; their larger loans have been used for rehabilitating or refinancing of existing large structures. Some of their rehabilitation deals in Los Angeles include the properties below (no addresses provided) in Century City (Los Angeles), Brentwood (Los Angeles), and Long Beach. b.) Newport Commercial Capital is based in Tustin, California. They offer loans from $50,000 to $7,000,000 with interest rates from 9.5% to 15%. Newport offers loans for new construction, commercial bridge, commercial refinance, and residential rehabilitation. On their website, they indicate that their target demographics are commercial, retail, healthcare, and hotel. Some of their recent deals in Los Angeles County include the properties below (again, no addresses provided) in North Hollywood and the City of Commerce. c.) Parkview Financial is based in Los Angeles. They offer much larger loans, ranging from $5,000,000 to $100,000,000 with interest rates from 7.99%, to 11.99%. Parkview offers loans for new construction, commercial bridge, commercial refinance, and residential rehabilitation. They are involved in a multitude of project types, including condominium, office, residential, commercial, and mixed use. They specialize primarily in ground-up construction and bridge loans. Some of their recent deals in Los Angeles include Saint Andrews Palace at 719 South Saint Andrews Place in Koreatown and the Kentish Town Apartments at 5050 West Pico Boulevard in Mid-City. Parkview lent $16 million to the Saint Andrews Palace project. The Saint Andrews Palace will be 6 stories and will feature (65) 500 square foot condominiums, with (7) designated as affordable housing units. The total useable area of the building will be 68,500 square feet . Parking will be subterranean, and apartments will arrive fully furnished. The project is to be completed in early 2021 and is sure to be a boon to the MacArthur Park/Koreatown/Wilshire area, which is are some of the most sought-after neighborhoods in the City. In the past 3 years, Parkview has provided a total of $200 million in ground-up construction loans. Parkview lent $16.5M to the Kentish Town Apartments. Like Saint Andrews Palace, Kentish Town will be 6 stories high with subterranean parking. It will feature a variety of one-bedroom and studio layouts averaging 600 ft . Unlike Saint Andrews Palace, Kentish Town will feature 79 units as well as a variety of amenities, including rooftop decks and bicycle storage, the latter of which is a unique offering anywhere in Los Angeles. Furthermore, unlike the Saint Andrew’s Palace, Kentish Town will be a mixed-use project. The total useable space will be 61,100 square feet, with 2,100 square feet dedicated to retail and restaurant space. All three of the aforementioned construction lenders have max loan-to-value and max loan-to-cost rates between 70% and 75%, origination fees between 1% to 3%, and loan terms between one to three years. IV – Market Conditions in Highland Park a.) Residential Rental – According to City-data.com, the average rent in Highland Park in 2017 was $1,050 for a one-bedroom unit. However, this figure is skewed by the number of rent-controlled tenants occupying older structures. Monthly rent for any market-rate apartment in Highland Park ranges from $1,701 for a one-bedroom and $2,768 for a two-bedroom, according to Trulia. b.) Retail – According to CityFeet, rates for retail space in 90042 (Highland Park) went for between $3.20 to $4.80 per square foot per month in the last 12 months. Abdul’s Auto at 5015 North Figueroa Street is being repurposed as retail space at $4.00 per square foot per month. The Mystic Dharma Bhuddist Temple (formerly the Rabbi Lazard Cohen Schul, built in 1924 during Highland Park’s heyday) was just sold and is now being adaptively reused as retail space for $4.50 per square foot per month. c.) Office – According to 42Floors, office space in 90042 (Highland Park) went for between $3.00 to $4.60 per ft2 per month in the last 12 months. 109 North Avenue 56, once a gang nuisance abatement property, now runs $4.50/square foot per month as office space. Office space at 1212 North Avenue 59, right around the corner from me, is presently being offered at $3.10 per square foot. There is no freely available data on residential vacancy rates in Highland Park, specifically, but the residential vacancy rate of the City is 3.8%, and the County’s residential vacancy rate is 4.4%. According to Statista.com, current office vacancy rates in Los Angeles are 15.2%, a 1.3% increase since 2018. According to Collier’s International, the retail vacancy rate in Los Angeles was 5.4% in 2019. There is also no freely available data on capitalization rates of residential projects in Highland Park, specifically, but the capitalization rate for Los Angeles City as a whole was 4.2% in 2017. V – Profile of Three Projects in Highland Park 1.) Green City Building Co. – Avenue 57 Subdivision – 175 South Avenue 57 Source: Green City Building Co. Green City Building Co. began site grading in January 2020 on a project at 175 South Avenue 57 called the Avenue 57 Subdivision. Note that the project parcel is within the HPOZ boundaries; however, also note that the parcel is vacant. This technicality enabled the construction of this small- lot subdivision. The project is unique in that it was built on an old Los Angeles-San Pedro Salt Lake Railroad spur. As such, the unusually narrow 23,725 square foot lot required extensive engineering. Originally, 10 units were designed and proposed, but eventually 12 were granted. The units are depicted as dark-colored cabins and are advertised as having sustainable elements such as passive solar orientation, on-site water filtration, drought- tolerant landscaping, and a pedestrian-oriented design. Each of the twelve units will feature a total of 1700 to 1800 square foot of useable space, and each will contain a minimum of 2 bedrooms and two bathrooms. The developer estimates the price range between $800,000 and $849,000. 2.) Michael Naim – NeLA Plaza – 3810 to 3836 North Figueroa Street Michael Naim recently completed entitlements for the NeLA Plaza, a very large mixed-use development that will cover a whole triangular block. The $57M project will consist of mostly residential units, together with retail, office, hotel, and restaurant space. Specifically, there will be 14,000 square feet of ground floor retail, restaurant and office space; 100 above-ground residential units, all 1 to 3 bedrooms, 1000 square feet each; 14 ground-level live- work apartments, 1,500 square feet each; and 99 subterranean parking spaces. The former land use was as a recycling yard. The structural engineer is Harvey Goodman and Associates. The contractor is as-of-yet unselected. The developers are utilizing Transit-Oriented Community Tier III to maximize the potential of this project. Residential amenities include communal kitchen, lap pool, observation deck, and solar power. The project is unique for being the first project of its scale in the area, and the first to feature such a myriad of land uses. The projected completion date is 2023. 3.) AJIT, LLC – As-of-Yet Unnamed Project – 616-620 North Avenue 66 AJIT, LLC was recently approved permits for a small-lot subdivision on North Avenue 66, within the Highland Park HPOZ. The $6.7 million, 30,000 square foot project consists of a mixture of (13) two- and three-story residences, with floor plans ranging from 1,860 to 2,800 square feet. The two-story homes will contain two bedrooms, while the three-story homes will contain three bedrooms. Whatever the case, each unit will have two bathrooms. The whole project would center around a common courtyard, and an L-shaped driveway will provide access from the street. This project is unique for two reasons. One, it is designed in the Pueblo Revival style, which is seldom employed as a design choice in contemporary Los Angeles developments. Second, it is actually being built around the site of an existing Historic-Cultural Monument, the Wilson Residence Monument, which burned down in 1989. Only the stone porch of the Craftsman home remains, and the project will incorporate this river rock porch into its design. The final price of each home is expected to be in the low $900,000s. PART THREE I. Unique Laws, Norms, and Development Practices in Highland Park Highland Park is unique amongst Los Angeles neighborhoods in that it is enormously popular (amongst young people and investors alike) while also being mostly protected by Historic Preservation Overlay zoning. The result has been a very popular neighborhood which has seen a healthy balance of longtime family restaurants, new business growth in underutilized spaces, and the maintenance of low-rise residential neighborhoods— all in the absence of very much new construction. Highland Park has maintained its steady stock of longtime family businesses like Delicias Bakery, La Fuénte, and Las Cazuélas Restaurant, while also experiencing a notable amount of non-corporate business growth. Independent record labels, upscale restaurants, technological start-ups, and bookstores all now flourish here. Other business growth in Highland Park has revolved around small, niche businesses. Dog groomers, vegan crépe cafés, and vintage video game console repair shops have recently operated here. Other more innovative, “outside-the-box” business ideas have included Barcade on York Boulevard, which is—you guessed it—a pub replete with vintage arcade consoles. Highland Park and the Downtown Los Angeles Arts District popularized the peculiar “new-urbanist” practice of maintaining a building’s historic signage, even though the signage may not be reflective of the current tenants’ businesses. In 2011, Antigua Bread, which opened its doors in 2008, held a viewing ceremony for the illumination of the restored signage for Manning’s Coffee—a family restaurant that had last operated in the same space 47 years earlier! Other decades-old businesses whose signage was preserved (either voluntarily or as a matter of historic preservation orders) include Frank’s Camera, the Ebell Society, and the Highland Park Bowl—the City’s first bowling alley. Unlike many up-and-coming areas of Los Angeles, only a small amount of Highland Park’s growth has been comprised of new construction. Two principal things influence this trend: the extent and buildability of the Historic Preservation Overlay Zone, and the difficulty of collecting and assembling parcels for a viable project site. Options are rather limited for building in the HPOZ when compared to City parcels that are not subject to review under ordinance. A proposed project site within an HPOZ cannot contain a contributing historic property. Even in the case of non-contributing properties, the project review is much more stringent. On top of this, the developer is left to assemble multiple of these non- contributing parcels, which raises cost for a number of reasons. First, the process of negotiating with individual owners of small parcels takes a very long time. In the meantime, the developer is stuck carrying the properties and paying the loans until they can assemble all of their target parcels. This is as opposed to buying one large parcel for a project, as in the case of newer commercial districts like the Century City or Hollywood. Investors trying to capitalize off the popularity of the heart of Highland Park (i.e. properties on and around Figueroa Street and York Boulevard) are left with two possible approaches to their project. The first is adaptive reuse, which is the practice of converting a building from one (usually obsolete) use to another in order to maximize its utility. Most often, this involves retrofitting light manufacturing buildings for residential or office occupancies. The other approach, in order to maximize the utility of protected residential properties, investors often invest in properties with large lot setbacks, allowing them to build accessory dwelling units (ADUs) to increase cash flow for that parcel. II. How the Private and Public Sector Can Better Approach Development in Highland Park First, both as a matter of principle and as a matter of adherence to the Avenue 57 Specific Plan, the neighborhood needs to take more advantage of its location along a transit network. This is achieved through more transit-oriented development and, just as importantly, pedestrian-oriented design. Transit-oriented development has been rare in Highland Park, despite the East Los Angeles Area Planning Commission prescribing transit- oriented design in the neighborhood’s general and specific plans. The under-development “NeLA Plaza” has been the exception to this near- absence of transit-oriented development in the neighborhood. Another large parcel just south of the NeLA Plaza site on Pasadena Avenue is also prime for development—and yet it has been vacant for decades. Both developments together would create a strong concentration of transit- oriented units within six miles of Downtown. There are also ways that the private sector can contribute toward public transit-oriented projects. For example, developers of new projects could pitch in for new ridesharing shuttles that pick-up passengers at the new developments and drive them to transit stops. Luckily, with ample light rail access, narrow streets, and bike lanes, Highland Park is well-suited with regards to its overall transit-oriented design. Now the neighborhood just needs units to accommodate its unique and promising economic growth with more transit- oriented development. Second, as a historic district, Highland Park should practice more specialized project design review in order to allow for more development, while also carefully integrating this development into its historic character. This project design review board should be a municipally-appointed, volunteer position comprised of architects, historians, and planners. It sounds like an unnecessarily cumbersome step to add to the development process, but in actuality, projects benefit from having a dedicated design review board from the very beginning who are familiar with the neighborhood’s existing conditions and locale. This type of specialized project review is no longer commonplace in Highland Park, but it was vigorously implemented in the 1990s. The Jack in the Box on Figueroa and Avenue 43 and the Food 4 Less on Figueroa and Avenue 50 were built during this time with input from the neighborhood council’s design review board, and as a result both incorporate “Craftsman” design features. Third, there has been a disproportionate amount of attention afforded to the areas around Figueroa Street and York Boulevard. Almost all development, increased policing, and public-private improvements (like BIDs) are concentrated on these two streets. This has rendered areas of the community more in-transition than others. The other principal streets between Figueroa and York—such as Marmion Way, Piedmont Street, Monte Vista Street, El Paso Avenue, and Avenue 50—are faced by some of the same problems that used to ail Highland Park, namely vandalism, poor lighting, and property mismanagement. Even the recent deployment of nighttime LAPD foot beats only covers small sections of Figueroa Street. Due to the unsteady rate and idiosyncratic nature of development in Highland Park, there are only a few types of land use that have been put to the test. The principal land uses that comprise development in Highland Park are small-lot subdivisions, townhouses, and condominiums. A small number of office units are being created, albeit through adaptive reuse of other structures, such as the repurposed apartments at 5312-5317 North Figueroa Street, which were vacated via the Ellis Act. The developer behind this project explained to me that it is unlikely that someone would build new office units in Highland Park. I believe that this is a mistake because, first, office units have relatively lower impact on traffic and circulation than other uses. Secondly, if Highland Park is to be exalted as a new creative center in Los Angeles, then new development should try as best as possible to reduce the need for commutes by building workspaces locally, or repurposing obsolete units as workspaces. SOURCES GIS Files
GeoHub.LACity.org Link to Avenue 57 Area-Specific Plan https://planning.lacity.org/odocument/01994574-7df4-4384-99b8-53632055a41c/Avenue_57_Transit_Oriented_District.pdf Links to State Enterprise Zone Ordinance and Accessory Dwelling Ordinance (SLSD) https://planning.lacity.org/ordinances/docs/ADU/Ordinance.pdf http://zimas.lacity.org/documents/zoneinfo/ZI2374.pdf
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